The lady holding the white sign is more right than she knows.
The lady holding the white sign is more right than she knows.

The Black Lives Matter movement rose out of a feeling in some predominantly urban black communities that blacks were unfairly, disproportionately and sometimes illegally being killed by law enforcement officers, and that law enforcement officers were “getting away with murder.”

The genesis of the movement came when rumors swirled around the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri. Lying “eyewitnesses”—at least one of whom already had a warrant out for his arrest for lying to police in a prior case—claimed that the NFL-lineman-sized strongarm robbery suspect was executed by a police officer while his hands were raised. “Hands up, don’t shoot” became the rallying cry of the movement and it remains so today… even after it was determined that Brown had attempted to murder Ferguson Police officer Darren Wilson with his own gun, and that forensic evidence and other witnesses conclusively proved Brown was killed while charging Wilson a second time.

Black Lives Matter was founded on lies, and according to a recent breakdown of  the data by Heather Mac Donald of The Marshall Project, it still appears to be based on a persecution complex, not reality.

Donald worked with the database compiled by the Washington Post on fatal police shootings of citizens for 2015, but went far deeper into the data than the reporters for the Post, who seemed more intent on learning just enough to validate their biases and perpetuate a narrative than to actually learn anything.

A deeper dive into the data told a much different story than the reliably left-leaning, politically-correct Post wanted told.

In August of 2015 the Post zeroed in on unarmed black men, who the paper said were seven times more likely than unarmed white men to die by police gunfire. The article noted that 24 of the 60 “unarmed” deaths up to that date — some 40 percent — were of black men, helping to explain “why outrage continues to simmer a year after Ferguson.” By year’s end, there were 36 unarmed black men (and two black women) and 31 unarmed white men (and one white woman) among the total 987 victims. The rate at which unarmed black men were more likely than unarmed white men to die by police gunfire had dropped, but was still six-to-one.

But the numbers don’t tell the whole story. It is worth looking at the specific cases included in the Post’s unarmed victim classification in some detail, since that category is the most politically explosive. The “unarmed” label is literally accurate, but it frequently fails to convey highly-charged policing situations. In a number of cases, if the victim ended up being unarmed, it was certainly not for lack of trying. At least five black victims had reportedly tried to grab the officer’s gun, or had been beating the cop with his own equipment. Some were shot from an accidental discharge triggered by their own assault on the officer. And two individuals included in the Post’s “unarmed black victims” category were struck by stray bullets aimed at someone else in justified cop shootings. If the victims were not the intended targets, then racism could have played no role in their deaths.

I’m going to strongly encourage you to read the whole thing to get a grasp of just how absurd the politicized complaints of Black Lives Matter—supported by the Obama White House and the Department of Justice—truly are.

The incidents of law enforcement officers shooting unarmed black suspects who are complying with lawful orders appears to be a big, fat ZERO.

None.

In the incidents that Donald uncovered, the “unarmed” black suspects were either violently attempting to acquire weapons when they were shot, or were so fiercely and violently fighting with officers that the officers feared that they were going to be rendered unconscious and murdered with their own weapons if they didn’t shoot the suspects in self-defense.

The simple fact of the matter is that the overwhelming majority of “unarmed” blacks shot by police in 2015 were either perceived to be reaching for weapons, were attempting to acquire weapons, or were violently attacking police when shot. Only a very small number were unarmed and complying with police commands, and those were typically with a violent offender, or simply at the wrong place at the wrong time, and were hit by errant shots not meant for them.

Black lives do matter to police, a fact born out by Donald’s research into these officer-involved shootings.

Unfortunately, black lives clearly don’t matter to other black people, who causes more than 90-percent of all black deaths, despite making up just 13% of the population.